On October 14, 1981, Muhammad Hosni Mubarak assumed the presidency of Egypt after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat a few days earlier, and the man remained in power for three decades, before he was forced to step down under the pressure of the January 2011 revolution, to spend years later between the courts and hospitals until his death in February 25 of this year.
The anniversary of Mubarak’s assumption of the presidency comes amid a confusion of observers regarding the speeches and policies of the current President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and his media outlets over the past seven years, which fluctuate and contradict in their contents towards Mubarak and his regime.
These fluctuations prompt the question: Does Sisi hate Mubarak and his regime or is it an extension of him, and does the deep state prefer Mubarak’s semi-civilian regime over Sisi’s strict military regime?
When Mubarak was acquitted in 2014 of the cases of killing protesters during the “January 2011 revolution”, Sisi went out to talk about the accumulation of terrible problems due to Mubarak’s 30-year long rule, as if he was leaving his hand from the issue of his acquittal that stirred the street and sparked violent protests in Tahrir Square against Innocence.
Novelist Yusef Al-Qaid said during a telephone conversation with Al-Mehwar TV that Al-Sisi called on God to Mubarak in a non-broadcast meeting with intellectuals and writers, saying, “From him is God blessed.”
Al-Sisi said, in the same meeting, according to Al-Qaid, that no one is fair and loves Egypt can be satisfied with the Mubarak regime, which should have left power 15 years ago (at the time of the declaration in 2014), and Sisi continued by saying that instead he wanted to bequeath it to his son, It is ruin, stressing that the January revolution was long overdue.
Years later, when Sisi ran for a second presidential term, he was asked about Mubarak in a televised dialogue, so he avoided commenting and evaluating his term, which sparked follow-up speculation that Sisi wanted to avoid angering his supporters and a large part of them from Mubarak’s supporters, while at the same time he needed their support for a new term.
The Egyptians were surprised by Al-Sisi who rushed at the end of last year to hold a military funeral for Mubarak, as his mourners offered and condoled his family, and analysts attributed the reason to Emirati pressure on Sisi, amid legal objections to a military tribute to a president that the Egyptians rebelled against and convictions were passed against him in the case of presidential palaces.
On the other hand, Mubarak’s statements towards Sisi were positive and praiseworthy, as he described him as “barrenness,” a description that most Egyptians use of cunning and cunning.
As for Sisi’s media, it was clearer in the fluctuation of his rhetoric towards Mubarak and his regime, between attacking him and then talking about him with neutrality and respect.
The former Secretary-General of the Supreme Council of the Press attributed Qutb Al-Arabi to the turning of Al-Sisi’s media tongue on Mubarak, his family and his regime to “the degree of fear at a certain moment from the remnants of Mubarak’s men, so attacking them is the policy followed, and when the regime feels safe from their side, it talks about Mubarak in a good way.”
Al-Arabi said in his interview with Al-Jazeera Net that “the media people ‘language sometimes differs from one person to another according to backgrounds and the experience of each journalist with Mubarak.”
Al-Arabi believed that Sisi recovers most of the working methods and terminology of the Mubarak regime, in order to release them to his opponents, and even summon his projects, reopen them and attribute them to himself, as he benefits a calculated amount from Mubarak’s statesmen, but at the same time he fears for himself from them.
A friendly start ended in tension
After assuming the presidency, Sisi resorted to the help of ministers and governors who were from the second row of the Mubarak regime, such as the engineer Ibrahim Mahlab, the prime minister who was accused in a corruption case related to presidential palaces during the Mubarak era.
A number of ministers were also brought in who held executive positions in the Mubarak era, such as former Minister of Communications Yasser Al-Qadi, Adel Labib as Minister of Local Development, Jaber Asfour as Minister of Culture, Ali Masilhi as Minister of Supply, Sharif Ismail as Minister of Petroleum and then Prime Minister and is currently an advisor to Sisi.
In the second year of Sisi’s rule, Minister of Justice, Counselor Mahfouz Saber, revealed in a television interview about amendments to the graft law of the Council of Ministers, the most important of which are related to reservation and reconciliation with the symbols of previous regimes, and a presidential pardon was also issued by a member of the Policy Committee of the dissolved National Party, the famous businessman Hisham Talaat Mostafa, convicted of killing Lebanese singer Suzan Tamim.
With the passage of time, it became easy to notice the Sisi regime’s concern about the remnants of the Mubarak regime, as businessman Salah Diab, who was close to Mubarak, was recently released – and the former presidential candidate, the last prime minister of the Mubarak era, Lieutenant General Ahmed Shafiq, was referred to the prosecution.
The police also arrested close people and defenders of Mubarak, such as Karim Hussein, founder of the page “Asfin Yaris”, and the “My Ticket” company, which was authorized to offer tickets for the African Nations Cup, prevented Gamal, Mubarak’s second son, from attending the national team’s matches at the Cairo International Stadium, as well as banning the special fan card. With his brother Alaa after his appearance in one of the matches in the third division.
The two sons of Mubarak, Alaa and Jamal, are legally entitled to exercise their political rights, starting from next year, after political work was banned on them, as they were convicted along with their father in the case of corruption in the presidential palaces.
The truth of the relationship
The writer, political analyst Salim Azouz, believes that there is no close relationship between the two regimes, as Sisi is not the “strategic choice for the Mubarak state,” explaining that Sisi is making his own state outside the circle of politics and outside the traditional circle of the Mubarak regime.
In his speech to Al-Jazeera Net, Azouz added, “The truth is that Sisi did not create his state from scratch, but he re-modernized Gamal Mubarak’s state, which is largely unrelated to his father’s state.”
And Mubarak’s deep state – in Azouz’s opinion – is conservative in essence and is not capable of confrontation, and it did not interfere with its traditional influence at the time of the rural demonstrations that erupted during the protests of September 20, although it was able to a large extent.
He pointed out that there is congestion waiting for an opportunity to vent, stressing that Mubarak’s state is waiting for the opportunity to attack Sisi and his project, but it will not initiate that.
In turn, the director of the International Institute for Political Science and Strategy, Mamdouh Al-Munir, believes that Sisi is naturally afraid of any power centers that he did not establish himself, and he guarantees their full loyalty to him, so he is afraid of Mubarak’s deep state that lasted more than 30 years even if he himself made it.
Speaking to Al-Jazeera Net, Al-Munir explains that Al-Sisi has been keen, since the 2013 coup, to remove Mubarak’s deep state at the same time, to displace the late President Mohamed Morsi, the emerging state in order to build his state alone.
He explained that the changes he made in the Military Council and the rest of the army’s branches, and the removal of hundreds of officers from the General Intelligence, National Security and Regulatory Agencies, all indicate his fear of Mubarak’s deep state, of which Sami Anan, the former Chief of Staff, Ahmed Shafiq, and what he did with them is not afraid.
The ambiguous relationship between the Mubarak and Sisi regimes is still present in the Egyptians ’comments on social media, especially when elections are held or national projects are opened.
The president’s goal was not to preserve the chair as wasted and the state lost
The president was not the goal of preserving the state while the state remained, and the chair remained #Difference
Between Sisi and previous regimes
Mubarak regime ____ Brotherhood regime
– Elsayedauf (@ Elsayedauf2) October 11, 2020
I have a great criticism of the Sisi regime in terms of rights and freedoms and how to manage the parliamentary life, but in the first and the other the opinions of me are not the absolute truth.
I have a thousand reasons to be indignant about this country, but Sisi is not one of them. I hate the Brotherhood, but I hate Mubarak more and I carry the guilt of a thousand reasons.
– Ehab El Refaey (@lo_ehab) October 10, 2020
O group, the problem is not in Sisi, nor was the problem in Mubarak. The problem is in a completely corrupt system. It is just not blessed. Sisi’s answer, and this system must be rid of all of it. It is not from the Sisi, but for we repeat the same mistake of January 25 #Translate #The whole military system
– Mahmoud (@ cMIad18rsj2QUeY) October 10, 2020
Although the Sisi regime differs from the Mubarak regime economically, militarily, socially, financially, educational, health, development and also foreign policy, many of the absent Egyptians want to link them together to reduce the greatness of Sisi’s accomplishments (he comes out of the corrupt regime of a scientist)
– ͜͡ M͜͡A͜͡R͜͡K͜͡ @ (@ MARK4503667) October 4, 2020